After that, you can’t go back to being a normal person again. In the end, he concluded he should march because the bill had been postponed rather than scrapped and might yet be revived. Those were led by academics and students; these span classes, with construction workers and finance professionals joining forces. In 2004, there were 1,975 protests in Hong Kong; by 2015 that had risen to 6,029. By then, the idea of a candlelit commemoration seemed to belong to another Hong Kong: to the restrained, almost genteel activism that endured for so long. The summarized first paragraph of the Sino-British Joint Declaration effectively laid out how Hong Kong people would rule Hong Kong with a high degree of autonomy.
By this spring, 58% of residents backed the protesters. “Hong Kong as we know it is finally dead,” said Claudia Mo, an opposition lawmaker and longtime pro-democracy campaigner. It is no longer Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong, but the Chinese government ruling Hong Kong with complete jurisdiction, which is a complete departure from Deng Xiaoping’s formula.What they are doing now is to implement this new policy to the full. In a city full of designer stores and flashy restaurants, it is impossible to ignore the gap between the rich and the poor. Aware of Hong Kong’s anachronistic status in a post-colonial world, the British became highly conscious of the need to respond to public demands. I have never heard anything so nonsensical.Hong Kong will not just be a normal Chinese city once the national security law is imposed. Anger had spread well beyond the usual community of activists and intellectuals. This success, along with the city’s heritage of trade and of the rule of law, and from 1978 onwards China’s own economic liberalisation, would later make it a global financial centre.Until the prospect of the territory’s return to China loomed, during a century and a half of colonial rule, Britain showed little interest in giving Hong Kong’s citizens the power to elect their leaders. But the spur for many protesters was the knowledge that they would not be able to do so. “I think it will be one of the things that they really want to get rid of,” said Leung. None of them have been arrested. We need re-education camps because our prisons can’t hold so many people.But instead of defending Hong Kong’s systems, she has been on her knees kowtowing to Beijing. “This is the start of a new but sad chapter for Hong Kong.” The new legislation will give the government the power to silence critics and dissidents through vague charges of subversion, and to install Chinese national security agencies in the city. China wants to control Hong Kong,” he said.That future is arriving more abruptly than anyone anticipated. Margaret Ng, a veteran democratic activist and former legislator, describes Hong Kong’s struggle with Beijing as “David and Goliath, without the sling”. Late on 21 May, China’s national legislature announced plans to impose an anti-sedition law on Hong Kong, going even further than the bill shelved by the Hong Kong government 17 years ago and the subsequent extradition law. Friends have fallen out.
The new arrivals provided much of the cheap labour that powered the city’s postwar manufacturing boom in the 50s and 60s, with the textile sector soon supplemented by clothing, plastic and electronics factories. Now, as Beijing tightens its grip, how much longer can the movement survive? We want to have normal food, not the expensive ones. Beijing is on notice, in front of the entire world. When the activist Bonnie Leung first attended as a student, a few years later, she was seen as “a weirdo”, she said.
Authorities refused permission for rallies and police violence intensified. The request for extradition bill with Mainland China was initiated by Hong Kong Legislation Co in 1998. China’s years of double-digit growth brought economic rewards to the region and optimists hoped that its ongoing economic liberalisation would, over time, bring political change, too: the mainland might become more like Hong Kong. Some wondered how long it would be before the vigils died away, and the memory of Tiananmen Square passed with them.But on 4 June 2019, 30 years after the massacre, 180,000 gathered in Victoria Park. It’s such a handy word for them to use. A city once seen as orderly and materialistic has discovered itself to be idealistic and angry. For three decades, the city has been the only place within China where the massacre can be publicly remembered. They can do anything they want,” said Jay, a 21-year-old student – like many activists, he preferred not to give his name.The hollowness of liberty without democracy has become clear to all. The entire Hong Kong business environment will collapse. One supporter of the current protests, Li, who is 71 and came to Hong Kong as a teenager from Guangdong, popped two bottles of champagne to celebrate: “One to say farewell to Britain, and one to welcome the People’s Liberation Army to Hong Kong,” he remembered. You can’t just watch,” she said.Though there is no doubt that protesters have been violent, there is widespread suspicion in the movement – rightly or not – that undercover officers have acted as agents provocateurs.
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